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Sindh saves the day

Photo by Eefa Khalid/Dawn.com

Plans are afoot to build the world’s first ever international Sufi university near Bhit Shah in Sindh.

The main purpose of the institution would be to promote interfaith and intercultural education to tackle extremism in the country.

Such a thought and project could only have come about in Sindh. Especially in the context of what Pakistan has beengoing through in the last many years.

Not only have the country’s other provinces – especially the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) – become central targets of horrid terrorist attacks by extremist organisations, the Punjab in particular has also been witnessing a steady growth of faith-based conservatism within its urban middle and lower middle-classes.

When extremists (calling themselves ‘Punjabi Taliban’) attacked the famous Sufi shrine, Data Darbar in Lahore late last year, economist and political analyst, Asad Sayeed, made a rather insightful observation.

He said that had such an attack on the Darbar taken place twenty years ago, thousands of Lahorites would have poured out to protest.

But not anymore. The attack on one of Punjab’s most popular Sufi shrines was simply treated as just another terrorist attack.

Though it is now clear that the Wahabi/Deobandi extremists have been going around blowing up Sufi shrines frequented by the majority Barelvi Muslims, the Barelvi leadership has looked elsewhere, putting the blame on the ever-elusive ‘foreign hands.’

Journalist and intellectual Khaled Ahmed once wrote a telling tongue-in-cheek article about the annual gathering of the Dawat-i-Islami in Multan.

The Dawat is the Barelvi equivalent of the Deobandi Tableeghi Jamat. Both these outfits are considered to be non-political organisations who are more interested in evangelizing their respective versions of Islam and its rituals. One should also mention that both these (sub-continental) strains of Islam accuse one another of being ‘flawed Muslims.’

Ahmed wrote how after Dawat’s huge congregation in Multan, when police found some bullet-riddled bodies of Dawat members, the outfit’s main leadership simply refused to acknowledge the glaring evidence that pointed towards the involvement of an opposing Sunni sect’s organisation in the murders.

Ahmed adds that Dawat leaders began babbling about ‘outside forces (RAW, CIA, Mossad)’ who wanted to create disharmony between Pakistan’s Barelvi majority and the Deobandi and Wahabi sects.

Barelvis: From moderate to militant

One can understand the above-mentioned episode as an example of the confusion Barelvi spiritual leadership has gone through since the 1980s.

From its inception in the 18th century and until about the mid-1980s, the Barelvi sect was largely apolitical in orientation, non-Jihadist and followers of some of the most relaxed dictates of the Hanafi madhab – the first of the four main Islamic schools of law that is also considered to be the most moderate.

‘Barelvi Islam’ (as it is sometimes called) is purely a sub-continental phenomenon that fuses elements of Indian Sufism with the folk and populist strains of various cultures that exist in the sub-continent.

It is also called the ‘folk Islam’ of the region in which a high degree of tolerance exists between various faiths, sects, classes and ethnicities and in which the puritanical aspects of other Islamic sects are eschewed and even rejected.

The Sufi shrine and an intense reverence of the Prophet (PBUH) play a central role in Barelvi Islam. Its populist and moderate make-up helped it become the majority Sunni sect amongst the Muslims of the sub-continent.

Two of its leading opponents have been the Sunni Deobandi sect (also a product of the subcontinent) and the Saudi-inspired Wahabism.

Both have accused Barelvis of ‘adopting Hindu rituals and practices’ and assorted ‘heresies.’

In spite of being the majority sect amongst Sunni Muslims in Pakistan, ‘Barelvi Islam’ hardly ever had a coherent political expression in shape of a mass-based political party or organisation.

Its spiritual leadership remained pro-Jinnah (unlike Deobandi organizations of undivided India), and various Pakistani political leaders have continued to appeal to the symbolism and lingo associated with various populist aspects of Barelvi-ism.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) was the most successful in this respect.

Bhutto was also one of the first leading Pakistani political figures to undertake the act of regularly visiting various famous Sufi shrines in Sindh and Punjab.

Barelvis are in the majority in Sindh and the Punjab, whereas Deobandis are largely centred in Khyber Pakthunkhwa and in the Pushtun-dominated areas of Balochistan.

Until the 1970s Barelvi-ism also prevailed among many of Sindh and Punjab’s urban middle-classes, especially those who considered themselves to be progressive and likely supporters of secular politics.

However, the arrangement in this context was suddenly disturbed with the arrival of the Ziaul Haq dictatorship in 1977.

Dipped in the political Islam of scholar and Jamat-i-Islami (JI) chief Abul Ala Mauddudi, Zia soon moved towards infiltrating the spiritual and political nerve centres of Barelvi-ism in an attempt to ‘reform’ them.

Barelvi dominance across the country’s religious landscape reminded him of Z A. Bhutto’s populism (which he, like JI, considered to be ‘vulgar’ and ‘un-Islamic’), and from 1979 onwards Pakistan under Zia also became one of the leading client states of Saudi-generated Wahabi propaganda and aid.

Stunned by the ‘Islamic revolution’ in the Shia-dominated Iran in 1979, Saudi Arabian monarchy and its Wahabi Sunni religious elite began seeing Pakistan’s Barelvi-dominated make-up as venerable to Shia-ism’s revolutionary symbolism and also of socialist propaganda, especially with the arrival of Soviet forces in Afghanistan.

At least that was one of the reasons used by Zia and his Saudi allies to draw the United States into giving Pakistan billions of dollars worth of aid and arms.

With the aid also came Wahabi propaganda literature and preachers who along with Pakistani Deobandi and Wahabi spiritual and political groups began setting up madressas and mosques.

These madressas operated as institutions that would indoctrinate young Pakistanis – most of whom were immersed in the non-Jihadi traditions of Barelvi-ism – and prepare them for Jihad against Soviet forces in Afghanistan.

Bralevi tradition had also not been very kind to the ulema and the clergy.

To address this, Zia also began describing famous Sufi saints as ulema and banned (in the media) all criticism and humour aimed at the clergy.

The Afghan war, Saudi propaganda, the mushrooming of Deobandi and Wahabi madressas and televangelists, and a concentrated campaign by the Zia regime to equate the dictatorship’s capitalist-Islamist makeup as something in accordance with the Shariah and with ‘Jinnah and Iqbal’s vision,’ had a telling impact on Pakistan’s religious sociology.

In the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa many moderate and progressive Deobandi strains that had prevailed in the province began sliding into the sect’s more radical dictates, coming closer to the puritanical Wahabi and Salafi ideas about faith.

This slide was celebrated by the Punjab-dominated military as a successful blow to the secular and ‘treacherous’ Pukhtun separatist tendencies.

In the Punjab, the province benefited the most from Zia’s Punjab-centric capitalist maneuvers. This coupled with unprecedented remittances coming from Pakistanis who had begun going to Arab Gulf states to work from the 1970s onwards, gave birth to new moneyed classes.

Many from the petty-bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie sections began moving away from their Barelvi heritage and towards more puritanical strains of faith.

Their Barelvi past now reminded them of their lower status and economic modesty, whereas they began relating their enhanced economic standing with the adoption of the more puritanical strains of Islam.

That’s why the growth of puritanical Islamist and sectarian organizations that Punjab saw under Zia, a lot of their local funding came from Punjab’s nouveau-riche and petty-bourgeois trader classes.

Interestingly, it was also the same classes that also pushed the Barelvi leadership to become more conservative and radical. Those sections of the Punjabi petty-bourgeoisie that stuck to Barelvi-ism encouraged their spiritual leadership to compete with the Puritanism and radicalism of the growing number of Deobandi and Wahabi groups.

This trend saw the first ever emergence of radical Barelvi groups. In the early 1980s, the Dawat-i-Islami was formed to counterbalance the growth of the Deobandi Tableeghi Jamaat that had begun making deep inroads into Punjab’s bourgeoisie and the military.

The Dawat discouraged the Barelvis from indulging in antics associated with the region’s folk Islam, emphasising an increased reverence of holy personalities and encouraging holding of recitals of naats and milads instead of quwalis and dhamals. The last two became associated with the practices of the lower-class Barelvis.

In 1992, emerged the Sunni Thereek (ST). A Barelvi outfit that emerged from the splintering of the oldest Barelvi Islamic political party, the Jamiat Ulema Pakistan (JUP).

Such occurrences did not really help the Barelvi sect defend its traditions in the face of the state-sponsored Deobandi and Wahabi onslaught -  rather, these organisations began turning Barelvi-ism into an equally anti-pluralistic and militant political phenomenon.

Sindh saves the day?

By the 1990s, Zia’s manoeuvres and Saudi involvement in reshaping Pakistan’s religious tradition had seen Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab become hostage to various violent Deobandi/Wahabi outfits and new-born Barelvi reactionary-ism.

The Punjab also saw a rise in the use of reactionary political and religious narratives within its lower-middle and middle-classes, whereas in Balochistan attempts were being made (by intelligence agencies) to neutralize secular Baloch nationalist militancy with the help of puritanical evangelical outfits. The agencies had already done this successfullyin Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in the 1980s.

But what happened in Sindh? Barelvi-ism in Sindh (outside Karachi) has always been a lot more secular and pluralistic than the Bareilvi-ism in the Punjab.

Its  sociology  in Sindh heavily revolves around the staunchly secular historicity that the province’s famous scholar, GM Syed’s literary work generated.

He described a highly pluralistic and secular reading of Sufism as being the cultural and religious make-up of the Sindhis and it is this narrative that still rules the roost in the province’s social and religious psyche.

This is one of the reasons why Zia completely failed to impose his version of Islam here. Also, just like the majority of the Baloch who equate puritanical Islam with the ‘Punjabi civil-military elite,’ so does the socio-political discourse in Sindh.

On the other hand, in Karachi, though Zia-backed Deobandi and Wahabi radical outfits did manage to find a foothold, two things have always worked against these outfits here.

The first is the fact that the sprawling ethnic, sectarian and religious diversity found in Karachi actually absorbs and neutralizes any attempt by an outfit to impose its version of Islam.

Secondly, MQM, a party that first emerged as a mohajir nationalist group, adopted almost the same populist Barelvi symbolism and lingo as Bhutto did in the 1970s.

Also, the other two big political parties in the city too are secular: the PPP and ANP.

Though the Sunni Thereek (ST) has managed to infiltrate some sections of MQM’s support, ST is Barelvi and anti-Taliban (albeit reactionary).

In spite of the rampant crime and ethnic tensions that are a constant in Karachi, it will not be an overstatement to claim that Karachi along with the rest of Sindh today stands to be perhaps the only (ragged) sanctuaries in present-day Pakistan that are (comparatively-speaking) largely free of the factors that have created opportunities in the Punjab and KP for violent extremist activity as well as for reactionary conservatism to now become a mainstay in Punjab’s bourgeois psyche.

Nadeem F. Paracha is a cultural critic and senior columnist for Dawn Newspaper and Dawn.com.

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.

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88 Responses to “Sindh saves the day”

  1. Ustad Sain Dino says:

    Paracha keep on doing good work :-) Ustad is simply impressed!!

  2. Faiza Ghulam Rasool Bhatt says:

    this is a nice article. at least Coke Studio is bringing sufi-folk-music in the limelight. A reader has left comments on sufi music coming out from east punjab below. i live in canada and am aware of the sufi-folk music coming out of both india and pakistan. indian folk-sufi music does not even come close in quality to that from pakistan. another thing that i would like pakistan tourism is to focus on shrines and sufi-folk music (naats, milads, quwwalis, dhummals) for architectural, religious and cultural tourism. pakistanis need to be educated on and made proud of our heritage. even if my particular school of thought does not believe in Barelvi-Islam, i can always find my touristic gems in shrines and sufi-Islam.

  3. NOSHAD says:

    very nice and keep on!

  4. Anwer Bakht says:

    Agreed by the Dawn disclaimer of the view being the blogger’s personal one, I find them very biased and likely to ignite people of the two famous sects against each other.

  5. Analytical Engine says:

    I won’t say that this was a biased article.NFP is just doing his job.Go on…

  6. yaarku says:

    we need intra faith dialogue more than inter faith

  7. Adil Jadoon says:

    Creating another haven for addicts is not the way forward. Educating the masses about their religion and emphasis on tolerance and freedom would better serve the purpose. Avoiding the issues facing us is not going to help us succeed. Biggest problems in our society are lack of education and poverty, which are the source of all evil.

  8. mohammad says:

    keep up the good work

  9. YNA says:

    Garbage article . The authors work is all about bashing punjab , deoband and wahabis . Essentially anyone who tries to critisize Barahelvi’s , Shias or Muhajjar . I grew up a barahelvi and a muhajjar but only identify as a muslim from Pakistan .
    Why do people try to create more and more discord between factions when we should focus on unity in our ummah . EVERY group has its flaws and needs to take critisizm .
    We need to focus on uniting our ummah not creating more hatred .

  10. this new barelvi /deobandi debate is quite popular these days.

    Please stop coining terms when it comes to religion. There’s only one -ism in Sindh. Bhuttoism.

    Shukria.

  11. Ahsan says:

    I cant believe the stereotype you used for barelvi’s by saying sufism is just a subcontinent phenomena! Barelvi’s are just a school of thought like Deobandis and Salafis. They are based on regional inout yes. However sufism is a worldwide belief..you have sufism in turkey, africa, trinidad, indonesia, russia, iran…all over the world!

  12. Goga Nalaik says:

    Dear Nadeem

    Bravo for this Great article.
    You are showing us the mirror … please don’t stop

    Your fan

    • M. Ahsan says:

      Dear Goga
      My advice to you is to read the quality books on Islam and Pakistan movement – that is the the real mirror – not this one. If you consider this one as real mirror, then I think you have never seen the mirror in your life – nor you know what the real mirror is.
      I wish you good luck and pray for your betterment.
      Regards.

      • Luqman says:

        Sir, what exactlt do you mean by “quality books on Islam?” Any book on the subject that relates one’s point of few is of quality. Very few can be objective about religion. But NFP can. So for many of us, his musings on the subject are of good quality.

  13. FLt. Lt. Resham Singh Gill says:

    Nadeem, excellent article.

    Your article on Pakistani Punjab really hit the spot. Confronting for many of us Indian Punjabis is the way Sufism is being viewed in West Punjab (Pakistan) today. For us Eastern Punjabis (Indians) Sufism is rather dear to our hearts. Punjabi Sufism is at the very centre of Punjabism or Punjabiyat.

    The one consolation we Punjabis have is that there are two Punjabs. What is scorned and disallowed in one Punjab normally flourishes in the other Punjab. Sufism especially Sufi music in Eastern Punjab (India) today is absolutely flourishing so much so Punjabi Sufi music is hitting mainstream Bollywood music. Punjabi Sufi saints have roads and institutions named after them. Even Punjabi greats like Bulleh Shah, Faiz Ahmed Faiz are thought at our local Universities in Eastern Punjab.
    The amazing thing today is we have Pakistani Punjabi students from lahore coming to East Punjab (India) to study Punjabi culture, language, literature and ancient Punjabi history. This is amazing considering two thirds of Punjab is in Pakistan. Only East Punjab and the Himalayan Punjab remained with India.

  14. Ahmed says:

    You have chosen a very complex topic to write about.

    I agree with you on that point that in Sindh and Balochistan there is more nationalistic fervor than religious fervor.

    Practically speaking, people put nationality first aka being a Sindhi or Balochi first.

    Looking at the situation in the other provinces, I like that we are so much more secular and it saves us from the troubles.

    May God Bless us all.

  15. Yousuf Ahmad says:

    A pretty decent writeup. Sadly, as always, the author has made certain generalizations that readers more familiar with the ideologies of the various strains of Islam discussed here would find unnecessary, unfair, and maybe even uninformed. However, readers who are aware of the author’s strong secular inclinations and are able to read this with an open mind will be more likely to appreciate this writeup.

  16. Zehra says:

    Are you entirely sure by what you mean by:

    “Its sociology in Sindh heavily revolves around the staunchly secular historicity that the province’s famous scholar, GM Syed’s literary work generated.

    He described a highly pluralistic and secular reading of Sufism as being the cultural and religious make-up of the Sindhis and it is this narrative that still rules the roost in the province’s social and religious psyche.”

    Linking secular historicity to Sufism is indeed a big comparison and an even bigger claim to make. I think you should look into the history of Sufism in Sindh and then make sweeping statements :)

  17. Aamir says:

    There is no ‘ism’ in Islam. Islam is Islam and any addition in the name of sufism or otherwise is clear diversion againts our religion. Accept or reject, the actual Islam is the one that will remain the same till the judgement day.

  18. Muhammad Shoaib says:

    Ironically, the so-called liberals cannot hide their own inclinations while expressing their views. Not a disinterested piece of writing at all.Though there are some facts, it is an attempt to prove one sect as the champion of liberalism and tolerance

  19. Hassan Jaafar says:

    good article, but i always find you biased towards Punjab andImran Khan. Why is that NFP

  20. Taimoor says:

    Sindh saves the day from what?? Last I checked Karachi is a war zone with daily killings. Pakistan has much bigger problems right now than tolerance for barevli sect.

    • Ali S says:

      Couldn’t agree more. It always surprises me how NFP thinks that religious extremism (which is a problem, I admit) is our biggest problem for the average Pakistani (not at all).

      • Kl says:

        Rightly said. The writer has also forgotten the persecution faced by Hindu community in Sindh and what about Karachi sectarian killings. Is it tolerance?

  21. Faisal says:

    Author has attempted to help the extreemists meet their goals. Pitting one sect against the other one. A lot of generalizations and seems to love conspiracy theories

  22. AM says:

    partly true; but dividing sectarianism by yet another dimension (provinces) is poor judgement.

  23. raja says:

    i think NFP jumped to the conclusions too early. In the blogs it would be better if the author maintains the differences in following an ideology and the extremist elements. Extremists may be a part of Deobandi/Ahl-e-Hadith but does this shows that anything is wrong with these ideas. I think “NO”.

  24. Nadeem Qadri says:

    Really a third rate article from a journalistic point of view. Without arguing about his views (there are plenty of inaccuracies & naive assessments), this article should not have been associated with Dawn.com. Poor English. Very low level, Disappointed at Dawn.

  25. Fan2 says:

    Time for PPP to Pack up and go. Let younger generation take control of their own destiny. PPP is a party of goons.

  26. Khalid Riaz says:

    Its a master peice, shows a lot of diversity in your many work and matters discussed here in will be examined further! so I hope.

  27. imran says:

    overly simplified version…and clearly shows authors inclinations.

  28. Karachite says:

    This is such a spot on and indeed a very insightful article on the current fabric of the socio-religious psyche of the Pakistani society. The only addition I would like to make to it if I may is that the cause of this change has come about due to the ever deteriorating standard of education in the state schools. Great job NFP as always.
    Respectfully to all the critics of the article I would like to say that either they have absolutely no clue about the change taking place or choose to play naive. Please take the time out to do your due diligence in looking at different acts of violence in the last 2 decades and you will be amazed that you will reach the same conclusion as NFP. Then there are some critics that happen to follow one of the same religious inclinations which NFP mentioned and they feel attacked. Thank you NFP!

    I hate to curse a man who is not alive today but its justified still to say Zia has destroyed Jinnah’s Pakistan.

  29. Azhar Shahani says:

    whatever, but Islam has been damaged more by muslims (sunni, shia, barelvi, deobandi, wahabi..) than non-muslims. infact non-muslims judge our religion on account of what they see.

  30. MD says:

    Very fine article. One of the comments by Mr. Rashid said deobandis opposed Pakistan because message of Islam had not yet reached everyone in subcontinent. I ask the question, the kind of intolerant Islam being preached by the deobandis and lashkari islamists, would anyone be attracted to Islam. Following or preaching moderate islam does not mean one is a lesser muslim.


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